 Fascism is a worldwide disease. Its greatest threat to the United States will come after the war, either via Latin America or within the United States itself. |
| The American fascist would prefer not to use violence. His method is to poison the channels of public information. |
| Monopolists who fear competition and who distrust democracy because it stands for equal opportunity would like to secure their position against small and energetic enterprise. |
| Our chemical and other manufacturing concerns are all too often ready to let the Germans have Latin American markets, provided the American companies can work out an arrangement which will enable them to charge high prices to the consumer inside the United States. |
| The European brand of fascism will probably present its most serious postwar threat to us via Latin America. |
| A fascist is one whose lust for money or power is combined with such an intensity of intolerance toward those of other races, parties, classes, religions, cultures, regions or nations as to make him ruthless in his use of deceit or violence to attain his ends. |
| This dullness of vision regarding the importance of the general welfare to the individual is the measure of the failure of our schools and churches to teach the spiritual significance of genuine democracy. |
| The myth of fascist efficiency has deluded many people. |
| The moral and spiritual aspects of both personal and international relationships have a practical bearing which so-called practical men deny. |
| Until democracy in effective enthusiastic action fills the vacuum created by the power of modern inventions, we may expect the fascists to increase in power after the war both in the United States and in the world. |
| In an effort to eliminate the possibility of any rival growing up, some monopolists would sacrifice democracy itself. |
| The worldwide, agelong struggle between fascism and democracy will not stop when the fighting ends in Germany and Japan. |
| The dangerous American fascist is the man who wants to do in the United States in an American way what Hitler did in Germany in a Prussian way. |
| If this liberal potential is properly channeled, we may expect the area of freedom of the United States to increase. The problem is to spend up our rate of social invention in the service of the welfare of all the people. |
| With a fascist the problem is never how best to present the truth to the public but how best to use the news to deceive the public into giving the fascist and his group more money or more power. |
| The obvious types of American fascists are dealt with on the air and in the press. These demagogues and stooges are fronts for others. Dangerous as these people may be, they are not so significant as thousands of other people who have never been mentioned. |
| It is no coincidence that the growth of modern tyrants has in every case been heralded by the growth of prejudice. |
| A liberal knows that the only certainty in this life is change but believes that the change can be directed toward a constructive end. |
| Their final objective toward which all their deceit is directed is to capture political power so that, using the power of the state and the power of the market simultaneously, they may keep the common man in eternal subjection. |
| What we must understand is that the industries, processes, and inventions created by modern science can be used either to subjugate or liberate. The choice is up to us. |
